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Balkan Region
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Dekhistan
Dekhistan is considered the most important medieval oasis of south-west Turkmenistan. Here once was located the City of Misrian which reached its maximum splendour when it belonged to the Shahs of Khoresm. Having been destroyed by the Mongols, It died out at the end of the Xth century Because of the interruption of theIrrigation system.
Dekhistan is one of the largest cultural and historic centres of the south - western Turkmenistan. Dekhistan has also another name - Misrian. Together with the neighbouring ancient Mashed graveyard, Dekhistan is called Mashed - Misrian by Turkmen. Dekhistan or Misrian is not only an ancient city itself, but all the adjacent province, in other words - the Misrian oasis, which several centuries after unknown disaster, remained hardly noticeable signs. The city existed in the IX - XIV centuries. Its total area was about 200 ha, the city was surrounded by a double ring of defensive walls. Like most cities of its epoch, it was divided into well - fortificated shakhristan with citadel (the most ancient part of the city) and rabad around it (a densely populated trade quarters with bazaars
and caravanserais). Shakhristan was protected with two rows of high fortress wall with semicircle watch - towers. Pottery and brick - burning kilns, khanaka, country mosque, garden - park erections and bazaar square, typ cal of the eastern medieval cities, were marked around the city wall. The tribes, which occupied this territory, went in for agriculture based mainly on artificial irrigation and cattle - breeding. Three caravanserais were discovered on its territory. Public buildings and erections, reflecting the social tenor of the feudal age, take a special place in the Dekhistan look and structure. Such monumental buildings include mosques, minarets, madrasahs and a number of cultural erections. The city was in its prime being a possession of Khorezm Shahs, then destroyed by Mongol,
but revived and finally fell into decay with decline of irrigation in the XV century. Its architecture remained only a few fragments of the erections made of burned brick and having great artistic value as the glaring examples of Islamic architecture. The first and foremost is two 20 meters high minarets. In all probability it is a half of their initial height. Abu - Jafar Akhmed minaret, so called "northern" - was built by architect Abu Bini Ziyad approximately in 1004 - 1005. Smooth surface of the minarets was girdled with two belts of Arabic scribings which were engraved on the bricks. The scribings tells who and when has erected this monument. The top of each minaret was crowned with wide belt of geometrical ornament. The second minaret (7 meters in its foundation diameter) was built
120 meters away from the first one, but almost 200 years later, at the corner of mosque of Mukhammed Khorezmshah which remained only two pylons of 18 meters high portal with luxuriant ornament made of blue glaze. The predominant part of the ornament are Arabian inscriptions, where the names of Khorezmshah and the architects were written. Dekhistan was in deep intercommunication with the vast neighbourhood, covering the considerable part of the south - eastern Caspii. The city, being on the boarder of settled oasis and nomad steppe, was the important point of the intensive trade. One of the international caravan ways, connecting Khorezm with the Arabian countries, crossed Dekhistan. Silence among the ruins and ashes, which is usually so typical for abandoned cities, will make not only poets, but everyone to think of the perishability and ephemeral essence of life, that goes away leaving no erections but scattering of ostracons and shapeless ruins, that have been many centuries ago something useful, firm
and splendid.
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Geoktchik Depe
Geoktchik Depe - Misrian
During the Bronze Age north-east Iran and the south-west of Turkmenistan are characterised by large urban areas, some of which are notable for specialised crafts (ceramics, metallurgy, working in stone), indicating a high level of technology. The presence of public buildings (palaces, high terraces with a cultural use, notably at Tureng Tepe and Altyn Tepe), great collective works (irrigation) and finally evidence for long distance trade links complete the image of these 'urban societies'. However, the ceramic evidence differs, pointing to two great cultural areas: one has grey, smooth, hand-made pottery (supposedly one of the indications of Indo-Europeans) west of the Kopet Dagh, especially in north-west Iran (plain of Gurgan); the other has painted ware, not made on a wheel of the Namazgah type from the foothills of the Kopet Dagh, east of Ashqabad.
This brilliant period is followed by what is usually called the 'crisis of urbanisation', where at the beginning of the 2nd millennium (Middle and Late Bronze Age) there become apparent considerable modifications in the economy, types of occupation, architecture and material culture of these regions. Foreign elements appear in the material culture of the Late Bronze Age through the influence of peoples coming from Bactria where the urban phase of the Oxus civilisation had previously developed. The disappearance of Namazgah type painted ceramics in favour of a turned standardised production, the change to an oasis economy and modifications to the habitat are likewise characteristic of this post-urban phase. Thereafter, two cultures are discernable in this part of Central Asia, that of Yaz Tepe I (15th-11th cen. BC) in Margianaand that of archaic Dehistan
(14th/13th-6th cent. BC) in the region bounded in the north by the Uzboj, a former bed of the Amu Darya, in the south by the Alburz, in the east by the Kopet Dagh and in the west by the shores of the Caspian. The distribution of human habitation in two great cultural areas in the Bronze Age is the same in the Iron Age, where the grey wares of archaic Dehistan differ from the not inconsiderable quantity of painted decorated ceramics of the Yaz Tepe I culture in the Merv oasis. Although located away from the Kopet Dagh range, these two cultures show related features: their economies are based on agricultural practices and high terraces, probably deriving from an earlier period and attested in both regions. An Iron Age Architectural Complex The oldest occupation of the Misrian plain is from the Iron Age. At this time it displays the same cultural material,
characterised by a large proportion of grey pottery, as north-west Iran. Around the middle of the 2nd millennium populations having a great mastery of irrigation establish themselves and develop an important irrigation network. Thus the main area of human occupation is concentrated in the south of the plain near the Atrek river from which the main canal took its water. The excavation of the main tepe has uncovered the remains of two building of the archaic Dehistan period (the northern and southern buildings), certainly related to two massive structures which are presently regarded as terraces into which the buildings are integrated. Several trenches cut into the top of the tepe indicate the huge size of this architectural complex: the west terrace has a depth of at least 20 m (west-east), the east terrace more than 22 m (east-west). The north and south
limits of the northern building are known: 6 and 13 m respectively. These two monuments are known only from limited excavations and their overall sizes remain undetermined. Both seem to lie against a mass of rammed earth occupying the centre of the tepe. The northern building is in an exceptional state of preservation. It covers an area more than 250 sq, m with an original plan: five small oblong rooms, separated by metre thick walls, open to the south onto a vast central space. The rectangular format of the large unbaked bricks used in the complex (50 cm x 70 cm x 8 cm average) is typical of the period of archaic Dehistan and of the whole of Dehistan and at Tureng Tepe in the Gurgan plain. The northern building was found to be uniformly filled with an Aeolian orange sand to a height of more than 13 m, forming the highest point of the central area. One
unique feature of its construction lies in a vertical brick facing, in a manner generally similar to bonding, giving a facing to the surface of all the walls and their elevation. There are, however, repairs, as certain facing bricks have been replaced by stone (50 cm x 50 cm) which are characteristic of the Achaemenid period in Central Asia and on the Iranian plateau. In contrast, the southern building has only been superficially excavated. It is in a bad condition and ceased to exist long before the northern building. A ditch which was dug across the layers sealing the infilled levels of one of the rooms of this building produced a group of archaic Dehistan pottery finds associated with remains of food (mainly wild boar). A Carbon 14 analysis carried out on the remains of some charcoal has provided a relatively ancient date, second half 11th cent. BC,
for this reoccupation, restricted to the ruins of the southern building. Thus the two buildings on the summit ceased to exist at the same time, before the 11th century, since at that date, as excavations have shown, parts of the standing walls of the southern building had already fallen into the interior of some of the rooms and a clay-sand sediment had then covered them. Thereafter, only the northern building remained in use until the Achaemenid period as indicated by the repair to the facing of the walls. All chronological indices tend to prove that the construction of the massive monument at Geoktchik Tepe began at a relatively ancient date in the period of archaic Dehistan - the end of the 2nd millennium or at the very beginning of the 1st. From the point of view of their height and state of preservation the architectural remains excavated to date on
the tepe are spectacular. They are part of an architectural grouping which is much bigger, occupying the whole of the tepe and with which they were connected. A provisional organisation of the complex might be two huge terraces, at least 15 m high, adjoining two buildings to the east and west, perhaps leaning north and south against a structure in the centre of the tepe, then covered by a mass of pise. Continued excavation of Geoktchik Tepe will enable the plan of the complex to be established and to determine its origins, whether they are Iranian, Median or just Central Asian. The interpretation of its buildings remains a riddle. Their particular architecture and massiveness do not suggest a fortress (no defensive function can justify walls of such thickness) or the residence of some local elite. For the northern building at least, it is convenient to
suggest the hypothesis of a sanctuary. A second part of the excavation programme concerns the rectangular enclosure dating from the Sasanian-Islamic period (6th cent. AD), which is 223 m long by 206 m wide. The Gateway This comprises two three-quarter round, massive, projecting towers in the curtain wall which protect a simple tenail (pincer) entrance, which itself gives access to an oblong room which was probably originally vaulted, as indicated by the numerous fragments of brick fallen to ground (itself also paved with pieces of unbaked brick). These bricks are square and measure 46 cm x 48 cm x 15 cm. Some buildings, one of which to the north-west has been cleared, rest against the inner face of the curtain wall. The gate to the east shows an incontrovertible Arab influence and its architecture is directly comparable with that of the Umayyad desert
'castles' (8th cent.) of Jordan, such as that at Kharana. The Domestic Building Moreover, partial excavation of the most important tepe surrounding the enclosure (1.5 m high) has continued. It consists of a large dwelling (excavated over more than 200 sq. m) in the centre of the area formed by the enclosure where three rooms and two halls have been cleared. A few remains collected suggest an attribution of this structure to the 7th-8th cent AD. Very little material was found during these operations where the floors had been only partly disturbed by any domestic habitation. However, the pottery collected is characteristic of the Sasanian-Islamic period of Dehistan as well as that of the Gurgan plain. Most of the ceramics are a bright red, sometimes smooth and frequently comb-decorated with wavy lines. A beige yellow paste is also seen as well as a rough
pottery close to that of earlier periods (archaic Dehistan). The town of Dehistan is the largest urban Islamic site on the Misrian plain. It was occupied between the 9th and 14th cent. AD. The plan is an irregular polygon and it covers, including the suburbs, an area of 220 ha. The town is protected by a powerfully fortified enclosure wall and a ditch with two bridges leading to gateways with access to the east and west. The minarets of the two mosques are still visible. Preserved to a height of some 20 m, the older dates to the 11th century; and the second, which is part of the monumental entrance to the main mosque, dates from the period of the Khwarizmshahs (beginning 13th cent.). The excavations at Dehistan, under the direction of E E Atagarryew since the 1970s, has revealed the remains of several public buildings (main mosque, madrasa, a mosque outside
the walls, caravanserai) and domestic housing. The Franco-Turkmen Mission has undertaken a limited survey across an ancient street to establish the cultural and chrono-stratigraphic sequence.
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Paraw Bibi Shrine
This shrine is one of the most impressive and popular sites of pilgrimage in the country. It is located in western Turkmenistan approximately 20 kilometers northwest of Gizilarbat in the village of Paraw. The actual shrine is set some 100 meters up a rocky mountainside overlooking the village and consists of a white mausoleum-like structure (described in historical sources as a mosque). Next to the shrine is an adjoining chamber with an outside entrance. At the foot of the mountain is a large one-story building which serves as a guest house (mihmanhana, mihman jayi). A roofed platform (bassirma) located nearby the guest house serves as a place where pilgrims congregate and have meals. Near the guest house and adjacent to the village are the remains of the town Ferava/Afraw dating from the ninth century. Sources indicate that the town originated as an Arab border
fortress (rabat) directed against the Oghuz and developed into an important town on the road leading to Khorezm. Among the ruins of the town are the remains of a shrine-mausoleum to a Paraw Ata dating from the twelfth century. Turkmen anti-religious specialists such as Ataev (1989) note that the mountain shrine has long been active and considered it an important shrine contributing to harmful beliefs among the population. According to legends recorded in Soviet literature, Paraw Bibi was a beautiful and virtuous maiden who was the object of jealousy of many women. During a period of infidel military threat a jealous woman wanted to turn Paraw Bibi over to the invaders in exchange for promises from the enemy not to carry out the attack. Upon hearing this, Paraw Bibi cursed the woman causing her to turn into black stone. Soon thereafter, while on the mountainside, Paraw
Bibi saw the enemy party approaching. With this she realized the hopelessness of her situation and ordered the mountain to split open so that she might enter into it, thus preserving her purity and virtue. After the miraculous event the locals were commanded by God to build a shrine to Paraw Bibi at the site where she opened the mountain. They believed, because of her bravery and refusal to submit, Paraw Bibi was a true hero (batir) who had been blessed by the holy breath of the prophets. Ataev also describes how, in the final decades of the Soviet era, pilgrims came from all over western Turkmenistan to the shrine seeking fertility and a cure for insanity. He also writes that in and around the complex were many "miracle working" stones and impressions of Paraw Bibi's hands and knees left in stone. One stone is said to be a watermelon that Paraw Bibi had been about to eat.
According to legend, at the moment when Paraw Bibi was to cut the melon the enemies attacked and thus she threw it down in haste. At that moment it turned into stone. Ataev notes that a watermelon-shaped stone said to be that same stone from the time of Paraw Bibi was used by pilgrims as a "detector of sin." It was placed on the thumbs of two people; if the stone rotates no sin had been committed by those balancing it.
While visiting the shrine in April 1995 we filmed the site, rites being performed, and interviewed numerous pilgrims. We were struck by the large number of visitors (approximately 100 in the course of an hour) at the complex and by the intense activity and rather festive atmosphere. While there were male visitors, the majority of those present were girls and young women (ages 5 - 30). As numerous young women explained, Paraw Bibijan was a beautiful maiden whose virtue, purity, and courage were unmatched. Furthermore, she was a devout Muslim who never failed to perform her Islamic duties. In the moments when attack was imminent and at great risk Paraw Bibi performed her prayers; and due to her "burning with faith" she left behind the impressions of her knees and hands in the rock. They also told of the legend of the melon and demonstrated how "stones from the time of Paraw
Bibi" or "stones seen by Paraw Bibi" may be used in predicting the future and detecting sin. Inside the shrine itself we met with several mothers (with their infant children) and young women who showed us the many dozens of votive offerings brought by visitors, including hundreds of cloth strips, miniature cradles, and large quilt curtains sewn by women hoping for children. Leading out of the main chamber into the mountain is a niche-cave through which Paraw Bibi is said to have entered into the mountain and it is here where young women recite prayers to the spirit of Paraw Bibi. The young women also pointed out the adjoining chamber known as Paraw Bibi's bath house to which she is said to visit each Friday to comb her hair and bathe; it too contains numerous objects and offerings. Outside the shrine, along the path, we also saw a small overhang under which Paraw Bibi is said
to have hidden from the raiders for seven days; it is believed that crawling into the space will result in fertility.
Elements of the legend of Paraw Bibi are evident in other legends concerning numerous other "Turkmen" saints and heroines and are not limited to one specific region. The transformation of a melon into stone at the moment when one is about to cut it and at the moment when the hero(ine) catches sight of an approaching enemy, the splitting of rock by and the disappearance of the heroine into a mountainside or cave never to return, as well as the indentations and impressions left in rock by the hero are all fairly common to legends concerning figures associated with holy sites. The sites of these types of saints generally lack a tomb or burial place and thus are atypical owluya; consequently there are no cemeteries. Furthermore, the figures to whom the sites are dedicated are usually ahistorical and are placed in a mythical setting where the struggle between Islam and non-Islamic forces are simplified and clearly discerned.
CENTRAL ASIA MONITOR - ON-LINE SUPPLEMENT "SHRINE PILGRIMAGE IN TURKMENISTAN AS A MEANS TO UNDERSTAND ISLAM AMONG THE TURKMEN" by David Tyson (No.1, 1997)
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Turkmenbashi city

Turkmenbashi is the administrative centre of the Balkan region 560 km west from Ashgabat. It is the biggest port town with a very hospitable population of 60,000 people. The town is enclosed with low mountains and faces the Caspian Sea.
Avaza is the most popular sea resort center (10 km from Turkmenbashi) that is promising much in future. You are hardly to find the vacant local cottages for rent because of great flow of holidaymakers in summer time. But you are always sure to find accommodation at fashionable "Serdar" hotel that is very close the purest, brilliant Caspian seashore (that is considered the biggest lake in the world).
The short distance between Avaza resort and Turkmenbashi town will let you be a frequent attendant of town bazaar and local supermarket (on Shagadam street) where one can enjoy the abundance of great choice of green vegetables, fruits and famous sea products (crayfish, shrimps, sturgeon and caviar). You can also buy fresh fish from fishermen just on the seashore who can every mourning there.
You can finish your town tour with an excursion to Museum of Regional History (10 minutes walk of the station). When you are back to Avaza to watch sunset and have the last swim of the day you can pleasantly finish your rest day in entertainment center of Florida next to "Tolkun" hotel (known as Turkish complex on the seashore). Only there you are can enjoy the wonderful and romantic sea view sitting exactly at the bar, you can also try your luck at Florida casino and taste delicious fish dishes in the restaurant.
The next attractive spot to visit is restaurant is the State Reserve set up to protect the region's 280 species of water fowl, marsh birds including flamingos, pelicans, indigenous colonies of seals or turtles. For anybody interested in seeing seals or turtles the reserve headquarters is on Naberezhnaya Street 42, where there is also small Natural History Museum. The desert ecosystems, dry subtropics, and marine shallow bays in the southeastern coast of the Caspian are included into the Khazar nature reserve. It consists of two parts, Essenguly and Krasnovodsk. It was set up in 1968 on an area of 192,300 ha. This nature reserve is included in the list of aquatic and wetland habitats of the international significance that are under protection of the Ramsar International Convention. The Khazar nature reserve provides the habitat for 18 species of mammals
and 372 species of birds. Of the bird fauna, nearly a half is waterfowl and near-water birds, which is a specific feature of the Khazar nature reserve (more than 85% of its territory covers the water areas, bays, and sea).
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